Reading “Wenxin Diaolong” often leaves one troubled by a question. How could such a complete and rigorous theoretical system emerge during the Qi and Liang dynasties in the history of literary theory and criticism in ancient China? How could such a monumental work achieve such high levels of depth and breadth? How could a work with such strong theoretical thinking be written in the highly restricted parallel prose form, so beautifully and with such profound meaning?
In other words, we often strive to explain what this book “is,” while I am troubled by “why.” Why does such a book exist? Why is it so difficult to find another theoretical work as grand and rigorous as this one afterwards?
I want to explore what enabled Liu Xie to create his vast theoretical system and what conditions he possessed to establish such a theoretical framework. Discussing this issue may have certain reference significance for the current construction of literary theory.
First
The issue we are dealing with relates to Liu Xie’s literacy. The creation of such profound theory first faces a question of knowledge structure. It is now difficult to understand what kind of education he received, what books he read, and what kind of influence he received from those books. However, we can see the authors he cited in “Wenxin Diaolong” and glimpse his understanding of those books from the angles he cited them, as well as the roles those books played in his theoretical construction.
“Wenxin Diaolong” references 322 authors【1】. Some of these authors are mentioned repeatedly in the book. According to my statistics, one person is mentioned 26 times: Yang Xiong; one person is mentioned 25 times: Cao Zhi; one person is mentioned 24 times: Sima Xiangru; one person is mentioned 22 times: Lu Ji; two people are mentioned 18 times: Ban Gu and Zhang Heng; one person is mentioned 14 times: Pan Yue; one person is mentioned 13 times: Jia Yi; two people are mentioned 12 times: Song Yu and Wang Can; two people are mentioned 11 times: Cao Pi and Mei Cheng; two people are mentioned 10 times: Qu Yuan and Cai Yong; five people are mentioned 9 times: Sima Qian, Huan Tan, Cui Yuan, Zhang Hua, and Liu Zhen; two people are mentioned 8 times: Zuo Si and Cui Xuan; eight people are mentioned 7 times: Confucius, Dongfang Shuo, Ma Rong, Du Du, Kong Rong, Fu Yi, Chen Lin, and Lu Yun; three people are mentioned 6 times: Wang Bao, Cao Cao, and Ying Zhang; eleven people are mentioned 5 times: Xunzi, Lu Jia, Ban Biao, Zou Yang, Cui Shi, Ruan Ji, Mi Heng, Ji Kang, Pan Xiu, Zhang Zai, and Wen Qiao.
The number of people mentioned less than 5 times is the largest, with 233 people mentioned only once. Although the number of times an author is mentioned does not necessarily indicate the degree of influence they had on Liu Xie, nor can it be said that Liu Xie’s evaluation of them is high or low, it seems to indicate that those authors who are mentioned repeatedly may be the ones he was most familiar with or whose works encompass a wide range suitable for citation as examples in different essays.
From this list, we can also see that the authors mentioned frequently are generally important figures in various literary forms. There are two exceptions that need to be noted: one is Qu Yuan, who is mentioned only 10 times. Given Qu Yuan’s status in literary history and Liu Xie’s admiration for him, it is undeniable that he should have been mentioned more than Yang Xiong and Song Yu. The reason for only being mentioned 10 times is that Liu Xie has already dedicated a chapter to “Distinguishing the Sorrows,” concentrating on discussing Qu Yuan’s creative status and value, so he does not appear repeatedly in other essays. The other is Confucius, who is only mentioned 7 times, also because there are already two essays, “Exalting the Sage” and “The Classics,” that focus on discussing the thoughts of the sage. Moreover, this type of thought often appears throughout the book. In the book, his evaluation of Confucius is supreme, and the number of mentions does not detract from his evaluation of Confucius.
From the authors he mentioned and his comments on them, we can see his inclusive and comprehensive academic tendency. He mentions Confucian figures such as Confucius, Mencius, Zigong, Zixia, Zisi, Xunzi, Kong Jie, Lu Jia, Jia Yi, Yang Xiong, Dong Zhongshu, Kong Anguo, Zheng Xuan, and of course also mentions the revered figures of Yao, Shun, Wen Wang, and the Duke of Zhou; he mentions Daoist figures such as Laozi, Zhuangzi, Liezi, Wenzi, Gongsun Longzi, and Liu An; he mentions Xuanxue scholars such as He Yan, Wang Bi, Guo Xiang, Xiang Xiu, and Xiahou Zhan; he mentions Legalists such as Shang Yang and Han Fei; he mentions Mozi; Guan Zi; he mentions historians such as Sima Qian, Ban Gu, Liu Xiang, Liu Xin, Sun Sheng, Gan Bao, and others; he even mentions military strategists such as Sun Wu. He has been exposed to various disciplines and schools of thought. It can be said that he has a wide understanding of the cultural heritage of thought that preceded him.
The book “Wenxin Diaolong” references 436 works【2】, with 223 original texts cited. From the authors he mentions and the specialized books, single articles, and sentences he quotes, we can glimpse the broad influence of the cultural heritage he received, and we can roughly understand the state of his knowledge accumulation.
From the books he cited, we know he has read the classics such as “Shijing,” “Shujing,” “Liji,” “Yijing,” and “Chunqiu.” Among them, he cites “Shijing,” “Yijing,” and “Shujing” the most, and his familiarity with the history of the Spring and Autumn period and the system of rites, for someone in his thirties at the time, who was a young man studying scriptures in a temple, is indeed surprising.
He has read historical books such as “Zuo Zhuan,” “Gongyang Zhuan,” “Guliang Zhuan,” “Zhan Guo Ce,” “Guo Yu,” “Shiji,” “Han Shu,” “Hou Han Shu,” Yuan Shansong’s “Hou Han Shu,” Zhang Ying’s “Hou Han Nan Ji,” Xue Ying’s “Hou Han Ji,” Xie Cheng’s “Hou Han Shu,” Sima Biao’s “Xu Han Shu,” Hua Qiao’s “Hou Han Shu,” Sun Sheng’s “Wei Shi Chun Qiu,” Yu Huan’s “Wei Lue,” and Yu Pu’s “Jiang Biao Zhuan,” Zhang Bo’s “Wu Lu,” Chen Shou’s “Sanguozhi,” Lu Ji’s “Jin San Zu Ji,” Wang Shao’s “Jin Ji,” Gan Bao’s “Jin Ji,” Sun Sheng’s “Jin Yang Qiu,” Deng Can’s “Jin Ji,” and more than 23 other works. It can be said that during his era, he read most historical books.
The reason we can prove that he read them all is that he either commented on or quoted each historical book. Moreover, these comments and quotations are not something that can be achieved through superficial reading. For example, he discusses Sun Sheng’s “Jin Yang Qiu,” stating that it “is concise and capable.” Sun Sheng’s “Jin Yang Qiu” has been lost, and the Qing scholar Tang Qiu has a compiled version. From the compiled version, we can see that Sun Sheng’s records are indeed very concise. For instance, his record of the event of Ji Kang’s execution in the third year of Jing Yuan states: “Ji Kang’s character is not compatible with the common people, but he values the extraordinary and the chivalrous”【3】.
This extremely concise yet precise summary of Ji Kang’s character has been adopted by many later historians, and saying that the characteristic of “Jin Yang Qiu” is “concise and capable” is indeed not an easy assertion. He discusses Gan Bao’s “Jin Ji,” saying: “It is thorough and accurate.” In the “Cai Lue” chapter, he further states: “Sun Sheng and Gan Bao, with their flourishing literature as history, are consistent with the standards set by the classics.” “Thorough and accurate” refers to correct judgment, and “consistent with the classics” means based on the classics. This evaluation of Gan Bao’s “Jin Ji” is also not a superficial opinion, but rather something obtained through careful reading and deep thinking.
Gan Bao’s “Jin Ji” has been lost, but the historical theories preserved in Tang Qiu’s compiled version can still give us a rough idea. In this historical theory, he candidly states that the rise of the Jin dynasty is not due to accumulated benevolence and righteousness but rather due to the competition of military power. Thus, its rise was swift, and its demise was also swift. Gan Bao’s approach to historiography respects the tradition of “Zuo Zhuan” and emphasizes “correct naming.” Confucianism inherently has the thought of avoiding naming the revered, but Gan Bao dares to face the unjust acts of the founders of the Jin dynasty and subsequently discusses a series of chaotic situations in their governance to clarify the reasons for their inevitable downfall.
Wang Yinglin’s “Kuan Xue Ji Wen” states: “Gan Bao’s discussion of the foundation of the Jin dynasty is indeed different from that of previous historians, and later historians cannot make such statements, which can be considered straightforward.”④ From this historical theory, we can also understand that Gan Bao’s approach to historiography, as Liu Xie said, is “thorough and accurate.” In terms of overall historiographical thought, Gan Bao relies on the classics and is “consistent with the classics.”
Tang scholar Li Hua also saw this point, stating: “Gan Bao’s commentary is close to the roots of Wang’s transformation.”【5】 “Close to the roots of Wang’s transformation” also implies “consistent with the classics.” Being consistent with the classics and being thorough and accurate, Liu Xie’s judgment of Gan Bao’s “Jin Ji” is very precise.
From the examples of Sun Sheng and Gan Bao, we can see Liu Xie’s in-depth and serious reading of historical books. The depth of his reading of historical books can also be seen from his citations of “Shiji,” “Han Shu,” and “Hou Han Shu.” The degree of his familiarity with these three books can be seen from the following points.
First, he is well aware of the development of history. In the entire book, “Wenxin” cites 26 chapters from “Shiji”: “Xia Ben Ji,” “Qin Shi Huang Ben Ji,” “Gao Zu Ben Ji,” “Lu Tai Hou Ben Ji,” “Yue Shu,” “Feng Shan Shu,” “Qi Tai Gong Shi Jia,” “Zhao Shi Jia,” “Tian Jing Zhong Wan Shi Jia,” “Kong Zi Shi Jia,” “Lao Zi Han Fei Lie Zhuan,” “Shang Jun Lie Zhuan,” “Su Qin Lie Zhuan,” “Zhong Ni Di Zi Lie Zhuan,” “Meng Zi Xun Qing Lie Zhuan,” “Ping Yuan Jun Yu Qing Lie Zhuan,” “Qu Yuan Jia Sheng Lie Zhuan,” “Ci Ke Lie Zhuan,” “Li Si Lie Zhuan,” “Huai Yin Hou Lie Zhuan,” “Li Sheng Lu Jia Lie Zhuan,” “Xiong Nu Lie Zhuan,” “Ping Jin Hou Zhu Fu Lie Zhuan,” “Sima Xiangru Lie Zhuan,” “Hua Ji Lie Zhuan,” “Tai Shi Gong Zi Xu.”
He cites 47 chapters from “Han Shu”: “Wen Di Ji,” “Wu Di Ji,” “Xuan Di Ji,” “Lü Li Zhi,” “Li Yue Zhi,” “Shi Huo Zhi,” “Jiao Si Zhi,” “Wu Xing Zhi,” “Yi Wen Zhi,” “Liu Xiang Zhuan,” “Wang Ling Zhuan,” “Huai Nan Wang Zhuan,” “Shi Fen Zhuan,” “Chao Cuo Zhuan,” “Zou Yang Zhuan,” “Mei Cheng Zhuan,” “Mei Gao Zhuan,” “Lu Wen Shu Zhuan,” “Han An Guo Zhuan,” “Li Guang Zhuan,” “Dong Zhongshu Zhuan,” “Sima Xiangru Zhuan,” “Gongsun Hong Zhuan,” “Er Kuan Zhuan,” “Du Qin Zhuan,” “Yan Zhu Zhuan,” “Zhu Mai Chen Zhuan,” “Wu Qiu Shou Wang Zhuan,” “Jia Juan Zhi Zhuan,” “Wang Bao Zhuan,” “Dongfang Shuo Zhuan,” “Wei Xian Zhuan,” “Zhao Chongguo Zhuan,” “Wang Ji Zhuan,” “Wei Xuan Cheng Lie Zhuan,” “Zhang Chang Zhuan,” “Sui Liang Xia Hou Jing Yi Li Zhuan,” “Kuang Heng Zhuan,” “Dong Ping Si Wang Zhuan,” “Kuang Heng Zhuan,” “Kong Guang Zhuan,” “Yang Xiong Zhuan,” “Chen Zun Zhuan,” “Wai Qi Zhuan Gao Zu Lü Huang Hou Zhuan,” “Wai Qi Zhuan Xiao Wu Li Fu Ren Zhuan,” “Yuan Hou Zhuan,” “Wang Mang Zhuan.”
He cites 44 chapters from “Hou Han Shu”: “Guang Wu Di Ji,” “Zhang Di Ji,” “Wei Xiao Lie Zhuan,” “Dou Rong Lie Zhuan” with “Dou Xian Zhuan,” “Lu Gong Lie Zhuan” with “Lu Pi Zhuan,” “Ma Yuan Lie Zhuan,” “Song Hong Lie Zhuan,” “Feng Qin Lie Zhuan,” “Huan Tan Lie Zhuan,” “Feng Yan Lie Zhuan,” “Zhang Chun Lie Zhuan,” “Cao Bao Lie Zhuan,” “Jia Kui Lie Zhuan,” “Ban Biao Lie Zhuan,” “Ban Gu Lie Zhuan,” “Pei Xian Wang Fu Zhuan,” “Zhang Min Lie Zhuan,” “Hu Guang Lie Zhuan,” “Zhou Rong Lie Zhuan,” “Guo Jun Lie Zhuan,” “Wang Chong Lie Zhuan,” “Cui Yan Lie Zhuan,” “Cui Yuan Lie Zhuan,” “Zhong Mo Lie Zhuan” with “Zhong Dai Zhuan,” “Zang Hong Lie Zhuan,” “Zhang Heng Lie Zhuan,” “Ma Rong Lie Zhuan,” “Cai Yong Lie Zhuan,” “Zuo Xiong Lie Zhuan,” “Xun Shu Lie Zhuan” with “Xun Yue Zhuan,” “Chen Fan Lie Zhuan,” “Kong Rong Lie Zhuan,” “Huan Zhe Lie Zhuan Cai Lun Zhuan,” “Ru Lin Lie Zhuan Yin Min Zhuan”,” “Wen Yuan Lie Zhuan Du Du Zhuan,” “Wen Yuan Lie Zhuan Li You Zhuan,” “Wen Yuan Lie Zhuan Su Shun Zhuan,” “Wen Yuan Lie Zhuan Fu Yi Zhuan,” “Wen Yuan Lie Zhuan Wang Yi Zhuan,” “Wen Yuan Lie Zhuan Mi Heng Zhuan,” “Fang Shu Lie Zhuan Wang Zhen Zhuan,” “Lie Nu Zhuan Ban Zhao Zhuan,” “Li Yi Zhi,” “Ji Si Zhi.”
Liu Xie’s citations of the above-mentioned records, treatises, and biographies are distributed across 33 chapters in “Wenxin Diaolong” out of 50 chapters. These 33 chapters involve both the theoretical core parts and discussions on literary forms, creation theory, and criticism. Different sections have different requirements, and he can quote them appropriately. For example, in the discussion of literary forms, he follows the principle of “using the original to express the final,” tracing the historical development of various literary forms and generally quoting representative authors and works from different developmental stages in chronological order.
He knows under what circumstances those representative figures wrote those works, as if it comes easily and effortlessly. In the discussion of creation theory, he can also find appropriate examples from historical books to elaborate on theoretical issues.
For example, in the “Shen Si” chapter, he discusses the inspiration and flow of thoughts in writing. To illustrate the conditions under which thoughts flow during creation, one of the conditions is constrained by the size of one’s talent. Different talents lead to different speeds in writing. He cites several representative figures’ actual creations: “Xiangru holds the pen and rots the ink, Yang Xiong stops writing and is startled from his dream, Huan Tan is quick to feel from deep thought, Wang Chong is exhausted from pondering, Zhang Heng studied ‘Jing’ for ten years, Zuo Si practiced ‘Du’ for a decade: although they have great works, their thoughts are also slow. Huainan worships the morning and composes ‘Sao,’ Mei Gao responds to the edict and creates an ode, Zijiang writes as if reciting from memory, Zhong Xuan lifts the pen as if it had been composed overnight, Ruan Ji composes while seated, Mi Heng writes a document while eating: although they have short pieces, their thoughts are also swift.”
In these 12 examples, 6 come from “Han Shu” and “Hou Han Shu”. Without a thorough reading of these two books, it would be impossible to know where to find suitable examples when considering the theoretical issue of the speed of thought. Second, among the 33 chapters, some are direct citations, while others are indirect quotes, supported by references from other books.
Without being well-read in these three books, it would be impossible to provide such profound examples in his discussions. His citations from other historical books also reflect similar situations. From the brief explanations above, we can see that Liu Xie has an extremely rich accumulation of historical knowledge. This type of knowledge accumulation not only gives him a deep sense of the historical environment of literary development but also enables him to closely connect historical realities when discussing literary theoretical issues, avoiding baseless discussions. Everything he discusses gives a sense of historical reality. Moreover, it allows him to better grasp the characteristics of the literary development process when discussing literary theoretical issues.
In the past 20 years, when the academic community discusses the national characteristics of ancient Chinese literary theory, Liu Xie’s theory is often cited as an example. This also indicates the significance of Liu Xie’s profound accumulation of historical knowledge in understanding, grasping, and expressing the national characteristics of literature. Liu Xie read extensively from historical books to understand the development process of history and received ideological influences, but he also read a large number of philosophical texts. He adopted a compatible attitude, accepting the heritage of thought.
In “Wenxin Diaolong,” we see that he read nearly 30 works including “Guan Zi,” “Mozi,” “Yuzi,” “Laozi,” “Wenzi,” “Sunzi Bingfa,” “Mengzi,” “Han Feizi,” “Zhuangzi,” “Xunzi,” “Yanzi,” “Shizi,” “Weiliaozi,” “Liezi,” “Guiguzi,” “He Guanzi,” “Zouzi,” “Qing Shizi,” “Lü Shi Chun Qiu,” “Xin Yu,” “Xin Shu,” “Shuo Yuan,” “Fa Yan,” “Qian Fu Lun,” “Zheng Lun,” “Chang Yan,” “Shen Jian,” “Huainanzi,” and “Dian Lun,” among others, not including individual essays he discussed, such as many works by Xuanxue scholars during the Wei and Jin periods.
Among these nearly 30 philosophical texts, there are Confucian, Daoist, Mohist, Legalist, military, novelistic, and miscellaneous works. It can be said that he read most of the major philosophical texts prior to him. He has put in considerable effort into understanding the history of thought development before him. We can provide a simple example; in his discussion of creation theory, he cites “Zhuangzi” 15 times, involving “Xiao Yao You,” “Qi Wu Lun,” “Yang Sheng Zhu,” “De Chong Fu,” “Pian Mu,” “Tian Dao,” “Qiu Shui,” “Zhi Bei You,” “Xu Wu Gui,” “Wai Wu,” and “Tian Xia.”
Some are citations of his terminology, some are direct quotes, some are quotes with altered usage, and some are ideas expressed in his own words. The extensive citation of Zhuangzi in “Wenxin” indicates Liu Xie’s familiarity with Zhuangzi’s works, while the ideas expressed in “Wenxin” are not mere copies of Zhuangzi’s thoughts; they are expressed after absorption and integration into his own thought.
There are traces of Zhuangzi’s influence, yet it is not simply Zhuangzi’s thought. The influences of Laozi, Liezi, Mengzi, Xunzi, Huainanzi, etc., also exist in “Wenxin” and are similarly absorbed and integrated, becoming Liu Xie’s thoughts rather than belonging to any one school. Buddhism and Daoism also had an influence on “Wenxin,” but this influence is more hidden and subtle. You are aware of their existence, but direct confirmation is not easy to articulate; when expressed, it can only be through analogy or allusion, vague and elusive.
Liu Xie’s acceptance of the thoughts of various schools indicates that he has reached a level of comprehensive understanding. This is not casual reading, but reading accompanied by deep reflection. From the influence of various schools on “Wenxin,” we see Liu Xie’s profound understanding of the history of thought prior to him. He has accumulated a rich knowledge of the history of thought, and in the process of accumulating this knowledge, he formed his own thoughts, developed his own methods of thinking, and laid a solid theoretical foundation for writing “Wenxin Diaolong.”
The most important knowledge preparation for Liu Xie in writing “Wenxin” is a comprehensive and in-depth grasp of literary history. Whether it is the authors and their works or the characteristics of literary development during various periods, or the successes and failures of existing literary criticism, he is thoroughly familiar with them. We see him discuss 81 types of literary forms: “Sao,” “Shi,” “Yuefu,” “Fu,” “Song,” “Zan,” “Zhu,” “Meng,” “Ming,” “Zhen,” “Liao,” “Bei,” “Diao,” and 14 types as original texts; “Shi Zhuan,” “Various Philosophers,” “Lun,” “Shuo,” “Zhao,” “Ce” (which includes 7 subcategories), “Xie,” “Yi,” “Zhang,” “Biao,” “Qi,” “Yi,” “Dui,” “Shu,” and “Jian Ji” (which includes 25 subcategories) are 49 types of unrhymed prose; 19 types of miscellaneous writings include classical, proclamations, oaths, questions, reviews, abbreviations, chapters, and verses as unrhymed prose, while the rest are rhymed prose; and the forms of “Xie” and “Yin” do not have a fixed structure and can enter both prose and poetry.
For each of these 81 literary forms, he provides a very detailed description of the reasons for their emergence, their uses, their initial characteristics, changes during their development, and their mature forms. It is precisely on this basis of comprehensive understanding that he can deeply contemplate the ideal forms of various literary styles, thus proposing his own views, from “Explaining Names and Chapters’ Meanings” to “Expounding Principles and Generalizing.”
Before him, although there were many who discussed literary forms, such as Cai Yong, Cao Pi, Zhi Yu, and Li Chong, none provided a systematic explanation of various literary forms as comprehensively and deeply as he did. Not only does he have an in-depth understanding of the history of literary development, but he is also very clear about the characteristics of literary development during different periods. When we look at his descriptions of literary development during different periods, we will be amazed at the accuracy of his grasp.
He connects his knowledge of historical development with the characteristics of literary development, making overarching generalizations. For example, when discussing the literature of the Jian’an period, he states that its characteristic of being rich in emotion is due to the societal atmosphere of chaos and grievances. He says that the prevalence of the Xuanfeng in Jiangzuo has influenced the literary style, forming a unique literary trend of that time, “Thus, while the world is extremely troubled, the language is calm and the poetry must return to the essence beneath the pillars, and the meaning of the Fu must be expansive” (“Wenxin Diaolong·Shixu”).
These insights have been widely accepted and praised by later scholars because of their accuracy and depth. The reason he can achieve such accuracy and depth is that he possesses an extremely rich knowledge of the history of literary development. His understanding of authors is also unprecedentedly broad and deep. Everything he discusses reflects his detailed and in-depth understanding.
For example, in the “Cai Lue” chapter, he discusses the talents of 94 authors. Talent is inherent, while brilliance manifests outwardly. The varying levels of talent among these 94 individuals reflect their artistic styles in their creations, and Liu Xie provides evaluations for each. Without a comprehensive study of the works and talents of these 94 individuals, it would be impossible to summarize the characteristics of an author and their works in just a few sentences. For instance, discussing the Cao Pi brothers, he states: “The talent of Wei Wen is abundant and clear, yet the old discussions suppress it, claiming it is inferior to Zhi’s. However, Zijiang’s thoughts are quick and his talent is outstanding; his poetry is beautiful and grand; while Zihuan’s thoughts are detailed and his strength is slow, thus he does not compete in the first emergence; and yet his Yuefu is clear and ‘Dian Lun’ is eloquent; alternating between strengths and weaknesses, there is no confusion.”
This commentary contains several layers: first, it argues that the old discussions that elevate Zhi over Pi are unfair; second, it points out the reasons for this unfairness, stating that Cao Pi is not without talent; he is also richly talented and beautiful, but his thoughts are meticulous, thus his writing is slower. However, he writes well in Yuefu.
In the “Yuefu” chapter, when discussing Yuefu, Liu Xie also says, “The three ancestors of Wei are spirited and talented.” The example he cites is the poem “Bei Shang,” which refers to Cao Pi’s “Yan Ge Xing.” In the “Zhao Ce” chapter, he praises Cao Pi’s edict writing: “The edict of Wei Wen Emperor is filled with great words.” Clearly, he believes that Cao Pi has his strengths. The difference between Pi and Zhi lies only in the different forms of talent expression.
From his evaluations, we can see that he reaches conclusions after careful comparisons. He often employs comparative methods in discussing authors and their works, such as “Ji Zhi is clear and austere, Ruan Zhi is distant and profound,” “Ji Kang uses his heart to express his argument, Ruan Ji uses his energy to create poetry,” “The writings of Lie Yuko are majestic and unique; the sayings of Zouzi are extravagant and grand,” “The ‘Fengshan’ is not without its classics, while ‘Ju Qin’ is classic but not substantial,” and so on.
To compare, one must possess a wealth of literary historical materials. From this point, we can see the extent of his literary historical knowledge accumulation before writing “Wenxin Diaolong.”
Second
Broad and in-depth knowledge preparation not only provided Liu Xie with the materials for writing “Wenxin Diaolong” but also gradually formed his thinking habits and influenced his methods of thought during the process of knowledge preparation. Many who discuss “Wenxin” pay attention to Liu Xie’s research methods, but opinions on what kind of research methods he actually holds are not consistent. We first glimpse his knowledge preparation process from the discussion of “Wenxin” to observe the ideological training he received and the influences on the formation of his thoughts, and then judge the characteristics of his research methods.
From his discussion of “Shiji,” we can see his thinking method of taking both sides without biasing one side. When discussing the difficulty and great responsibility of writing historical books, he provides an overall evaluation of Sima Qian. He says: “Qian and Guo are indeed insightful, yet they have faced criticism from later generations.” “Insightful” can be simply understood as being well-versed, but it can also be understood as Liu Xie referring to the standards of good historians mentioned earlier: “If one follows the wise and conceals the truth, one cannot cover the flaws with brilliance; if one punishes treachery, it is the straightforward pen of a good historian; if a farmer sees weeds, he must hoe them: this is a standard for all ages.”
This standard for all ages includes both the “wisdom of the sage” and the “straightforward pen of a good historian.” This means that both the classics and the spirit of factual recording are essential. “Insightful” means that Sima Qian is well aware of this standard for historiography across the ages. Sima Qian’s historiographical thought includes a respect for Confucius. He specially establishes the “Kong Zi Shi Jia” in “Shiji,” expressing utmost admiration for Confucius: “Looking up to the high mountains and following the path of the great virtue, although one cannot reach it, the heart yearns for it.” In the “Kong Zi Shi Jia,” there is a clear thought of respecting the classics. Liu Xie cannot be said to have been unaffected by this aspect of Sima Qian’s thought.
In the “Shi Zhuan” chapter, he says: “Thus, establishing principles and selecting words should rely on the classics to establish standards; admonitions and removals must be attached to the sages to dwell in the classics.” The classic thought of Sima Qian influences Liu Xie’s historiographical perspective, but the spirit of factual recording in Sima Qian’s work also profoundly influences Liu Xie.
In the “Shi Zhuan” chapter, he comments on “Shiji,” stating: “When compared to Yao’s standards, the positions are mixed among the virtuous; when following Confucius’s teachings, the writings are not from the virtuous and the holy.” “Indeed, his factual recording has no hidden purpose, with broad and eloquent talents, loving the unusual and opposing the classics; he discusses extensively and thoroughly.” “Mixed among the virtuous” is a euphemism; in “Shiji,” not only are the orthodox imperial genealogies included, but also non-imperial figures such as Xiang Yu are listed among the imperial genealogies, and Chen She is included in the families, which breaks the orthodox theory and profoundly reflects Sima Qian’s realistic thought when facing historical facts.
Sima Qian’s spirit of factual recording is also reflected in his understanding of historical development. For instance, when discussing Qin Shi Huang, he states that while the Qin took the world through violence, he also gives a high evaluation of Qin Shi Huang’s achievements. In the “Qin Shi Huang Ben Ji,” he quotes Jia Yi’s words: “Qin unites the world, dominates the feudal lords, faces south to claim the empire, and nurtures the four seas; the scholars of the world are clearly hopeful, so what is the reason? It is said that there has been no king in the near past for a long time. The Zhou dynasty is lowly, with the five hegemons already gone, and the commands are not implemented in the world, hence the feudal lords govern their own states, strong invade the weak, and the people are constantly in turmoil. Now, the Qin faces south to rule the world, thus there is a heavenly son above. At this time, the people are eager to secure their lives, and they all humbly look up to him. At this moment, maintaining authority and establishing merit is the foundation of security and danger.”【6】
Sima Qian points out that although the Qin ruled with brutality, there is a reasonable aspect to their rule amidst the great chaos of feudal lords battling for power and the suffering of the people. This is realism. Liu Xie affirms Sima Qian’s spirit of factual recording. When factual recording is without concealment, it is inevitable to deviate from the trajectory of the classics when facing historical facts and to affirm those individuals and events that are not orthodox, which are seen as contrary to the classics and loving the unusual. Liu Xie quotes Ban Biao’s remarks on Sima Qian, seemingly agreeing with Ban Biao’s viewpoint, denying Sima Qian’s love for the unusual and opposing the classics, yet in fact, he unconsciously accepts Sima Qian’s spirit of factual recording without concealment.
This kind of thinking method of taking both sides without biasing one side has invisibly influenced him. This kind of thought of taking both sides and not leaning towards one side is a method of more comprehensively understanding things. In essence, it is a thought that contains both sides yet is not limited to either side. We can see this kind of thought everywhere in “Wenxin Diaolong.” Professor Wang Yunxi cited two examples of Liu Xie’s tendency towards compromise from a broader perspective: one is Liu Xie’s argument that writing about daily life and satire should be given equal importance; the other is that he emphasizes both literary elegance and robust simplicity【7】. He does not favor one side but takes both. Some researchers have also mentioned Liu Xie’s tendency toward compromise in dealing with the old and the new, the unusual and the orthodox【9】.
We can provide a series of specific examples to illustrate Liu Xie’s balanced approach to both sides without biasing one side. In the “Zhang Ju” chapter, when discussing the issue of rhyme changes in verse, he states that if the rhyme changes too quickly, the sound becomes overly hasty; if one hundred lines do not change the rhyme, the sound becomes tiresome and dull. “Brilliant talent is invigorating; even if one touches on thought and virtue, it is better to find a middle ground to ensure no mistakes.” One should neither change the rhyme too frequently nor leave it unchanged for too long; both fast and slow are acceptable, but should not be “too much”; it should be “in moderation.”
Common sense tells us that “moderation” is a space with no strict boundaries; it can accommodate both fast and slow, and its limitation is merely not leaning towards one side. In the “Bian Sao” chapter discussing “Li Sao,” he states that Huainan Wang Liu An, Wang Yi, Han Xuan Emperor, and Yang Xiong all affirm “Li Sao,” while Ban Gu claims it does not align with the classics, “Four families promote it according to the classics, while Meng Jian claims it does not align with the commentaries. Both praises and criticisms are excessive; they can be said to be discerning yet not precise, playing with it without thorough examination.”
Liu Xie believes that the “classic” of “Li Sao,” the “regulations of admonition,” the “meanings of analogy and metaphor,” and the “expressions of loyalty and resentment” all align with the classics; while the “strange and unusual expressions,” “mysterious and bizarre discussions,” “narrow-minded intentions,” and “licentious meanings” deviate from the classics. Being consistent with the classics is certainly commendable, but deviating from the classics is also not unacceptable. Although it is the “broad scholar of ‘Ya’ and ‘Song’, it is also the ‘hero’ of ‘Ci’ and ‘Fu’.” This is again a balanced approach to both sides.
In the “Qian Fu” chapter, he proposes requirements for the fu style, stating, “The words must be beautiful, and the meaning should be elegant; even if the writing is mixed, it must have substance, and even if the colors are blended, it must have a main tone.” The words should be beautiful, and the meaning should be elegant. The writing can be colorful (mixed), but one must not lose substance; the colors can be mixed (blended), but one must not lose the main tone (substance). This is again a balanced approach to both sides without biasing one side. In the “Fengshan” chapter, the essence of the Fengshan writing lies in “making the meaning ancient yet not obscurely profound, and the writing contemporary yet not shallow.” The meaning should be ancient and elegant, but it should not be too obscure; the writing should use contemporary language, yet it should not be too superficial. This is also a balanced approach to both sides without biasing one side. In the “Zhang Biao” chapter, the requirements for the zhang style are to “be precise yet not vague, clear yet not superficial.” It must be concise but not too vague; it must be clear but not superficial.
In the “Ding Shi” chapter, he discusses the importance of understanding various “trends” (the flow of emotions, the force of meaning, the direction of literary composition). However, regardless of which “trend” is used, it must be understood comprehensively; “While the unusual and the orthodox may seem to contradict, they must be understood together; while the strong and the soft may differ, they must be applied appropriately to the situation.” The various “trends” of the unusual and the orthodox can all be utilized, and when used appropriately, both the unusual and the orthodox, as well as the strong and the soft, can coexist.
The method of taking both sides without biasing one side has made him adopt a tolerant attitude when facing the history of thought. Although he clearly proposes the theoretical framework of respecting the classics throughout the book, he does not negate the various schools of thought. From different angles, he enumerates the merits of various philosophical works: “The discussions of Meng and Xun are reasonable and elegant; the essays of Guan and Yan are substantial and concise; the writings of Lie Yuko are majestic and unique; the sayings of Zouzi are extravagant and grand; the ideas of Mozi and Sui Chao are clear and eloquent; the writings of Shizi and Weiliaoz are skilled yet dull; the ‘He Guan’ is continuous, quickly expressing profound meanings; the ‘Guigu’ is subtle, often hinting at profound meanings; the emotional distinctions are evident, and the writings of Wenzi excel in their abilities; the words are concise yet precise, and Yin Wen captures the essence; the careful analysis of intricate reasoning is the richness of Han Fei’s works; the ‘Lü Shi’ is broad yet comprehensive; the ‘Huainan’ is colorful yet literary; this thus gains the brilliance of the hundred schools and the generality of the literary spirit.” (“Wenxin Diaolong·Various Philosophers”)
The above examples include Confucian, Daoist, Legalist, Mohist, and miscellaneous schools, and he recognizes the merits of their works. This point is crucial; from this, we see that in the process of his knowledge accumulation, he recognizes the strengths of various schools, thereby accepting their merits, remaining open and inclusive, broadening his horizons, and establishing a method of thought that does not bias one side. How he integrates and interweaves the thoughts of various schools into his own thought is a question that requires in-depth research and cannot be solved in this article.
Third
From Liu Xie’s process of knowledge accumulation, we can also glimpse the rich connotations of his thought formation. In the “Xu Zhi” chapter, there is a passage that has attracted the attention of researchers and sparked much debate. This passage states:
When he organizes his writings, if they are similar to the old discussions, it is not a coincidence; it is naturally unavoidable. If they are different from previous discussions, it is not a mere difference; the principles cannot be the same. Similarities and differences do not disdain the ancient and modern, but rather they must be carefully distinguished and reconciled.
This passage implies that his criteria for argumentation do not consider ancient or modern, nor do they care about the similarities or differences in existing theories; they only focus on reconciliation. This “only focusing on reconciliation” has been seen by researchers as Liu Xie’s research method. As for the interpretation of “reconciliation,” opinions vary. Some believe that this “reconciliation” is the application of Confucianism’s doctrine of the mean in research methods; others believe it is based on the Buddhist middle way; some see it as the integration of Daoism and Confucianism; others view it as a heart-based approach, primarily influenced by Buddhism while also incorporating Confucianism; still, others believe that this “reconciliation” reflects a method that is neither purely Confucian, nor purely Daoist, nor purely Buddhist, etc. How to understand Liu Xie’s intended meaning of “reconciliation” may involve the mutual fusion and absorption of various thoughts during the process of thought development, leading to subtle changes in the connotation of the term.
The original meaning of “reconciliation” is to reconcile with correctness; it refers to the idea of judging by what is right, without specifically pointing to any particular school’s thought. For instance, in “Guanzi,” Volume 8 “Xiao Kuang,” Guan Zhong advises Duke Huan of Qi: “In deciding cases, one should reconcile without killing the innocent or falsely accusing the innocent; I am not as good as Bin Xu, so I request to be made the chief judge.”【11】 Here, “reconciliation” refers to fair judgment【12】.
In Confucius’s context, since the Han Dynasty, discussions on reconciliation began in Lu Jia’s “Xin Yu”【13】. Also, in “Shiji,” Volume 47, “Kong Zi Shi Jia”: “Since the Son of Heaven and the princes, those who discuss the Six Arts in China are reconciled with the Master, which can be said to be the utmost sage.”【14】 In “Han Shu,” Volume 36, Liu Xiang’s memorial advises against the use of external relatives: “The Book of Changes states: ‘If the ruler is not secretive, he will lose his subjects; if the subjects are not secretive, they will lose their lives; if matters are not secretive, harm will be done.’ Only Your Majesty should deeply contemplate the wisdom of the ages, carefully solidify the secrets, and learn from the lessons of the past to gain trust through reconciliation.”【15】 Quoting the Book of Changes, the reconciliation here also refers to Confucius’s thought.
In “Han Shu,” Volume 72, “Gong Yu Zhuan,” it is mentioned that “Confucius is just an ordinary man, yet because he enjoys the way and corrects himself, the rulers of the world have no way to reconcile without his words.”【16】 These clearly state reconciliation as part of Confucius’s thought.
Wang Chong’s “Lun Heng·Zi Ji Pian” also mentions “reconciliation with the holy way,” which seems to refer to Confucius’s way. However, the meaning of the term “reconciliation” has not been consistent in its usage over time; the “reconciliation” in Daoism is interpreted differently by Confucians, Daoists, and Buddhists.
We can provide several examples to illustrate this. For instance, in “Hou Han Shu,” Volume 16, “Kou Xun Zhuan” with “Kou Rong Zhuan,” Kou Rong submitted a memorial arguing against injustice: “In the past, Wen Wang buried the dried bones, and Gong Liu cultivated the reeds; the world praised their kindness. Now, cruel and flattering officials have no heart to reconcile and do not care about the harm to the innocent while stirring up baseless accusations.”【17】
Here, “reconciliation” means fairness, and its connotation refers to the thought of kindness. In “Hou Han Shu,” Volume 28, “Feng Yan Zhuan,” it refers to the idea of integrating Confucianism and Daoism【18】. In “Jin Shu,” Volume 51, “Huangfu Mi Zhuan,” it refers to the idea of Daoism. In “Shen Yi,” Volume 51, “Huangfu Mi Zhuan,” it refers to the idea of Buddhism. In “Shen Yi,” Volume 51, “Huangfu Mi Zhuan,” it refers to the idea of Buddhism. In “Shen Yi,” Volume 51, “Huangfu Mi Zhuan,” it refers to the idea of Buddhism.
From the above quotations, we know that the term “reconciliation” originally means to judge by correctness, or to use correctness as the standard. The connotation of this “correctness” varies among different schools of thought. As mentioned earlier, Liu Xie has an extremely broad knowledge of various schools and historical books.
He certainly understands the different meanings of the term “reconciliation” used in various philosophical texts and historical works. He assisted Seng You in compiling the “Collection of Three Baskets,” and the quotations from Seng Rui and Dao An in their prefaces are all included in the “Collection of Three Baskets”. He must have been aware of the meanings of the term “reconciliation” used by Dao An and others.
Whether the different meanings of “reconciliation” have had an invisible influence on his thought formation is a question worth studying.
In the “Xu Zhi” chapter, the phrase “distinguishing and reconciling, focusing only on reconciliation” indicates that when he synthesizes various opinions, he must judge by correctness. What this “correctness” refers to is, of course, what he personally considers correct. This “correctness” is primarily based on the classics, but it does not exclude other ideas.
This can be clearly seen from the discussion in the “Various Philosophers” chapter. In the “Zhao Qi” chapter, the term “reconciliation” mentioned in the examples of “multiple losses and reconciliations” criticizes both Mozi and Confucianism. Although he states, “If one can avoid the door of rites to establish regulations, and mark the path of righteousness to plant standards,” it seems to use Confucian rites and righteousness as the standard, but he continues to say: “One should also integrate the regulations of Legalism and uphold the literature of Confucianism.” This “reconciliation” in the “Zhao Qi” chapter also contains traces of multiple ideas merging.
The above simply cites the usage of the term “reconciliation” in “Wenxin” to illustrate the various influences Liu Xie experienced during his knowledge accumulation process and to show that his thoughts are products of the history of thought development. No single school’s thought can develop in a pure state. The integration of multiple thoughts exists abundantly in “Wenxin,” but we have yet to carefully clarify it.
Fourth
From “Wenxin,” we can also glimpse Liu Xie’s acute aesthetic sensitivity cultivated during the process of knowledge accumulation and his profound understanding of the literary development phenomena of his time.
In “Wenxin,” we see a large number of highly generalized aesthetic judgments, such as “Zhang Heng’s ‘Yuan’ piece is clear and classic”; “Thus, Pingzi obtains elegance, Shuye contains its richness, Maoxian condenses its clarity, and Jingyang vibrates its beauty”; “Zi Yuan’s ‘Dong Xiao’ exhausts changes in sound and appearance, Meng Jian’s ‘Liang Du’ is bright and rich, Zhang Heng’s ‘Er Jing’ is swift and abundant; Zi Yun’s ‘Gan Quan’ constructs profound elegance, Yan Shou’s ‘Ling Guang’ contains dynamic momentum”; “Chen Lin’s proclamation to Yuzhou is powerful and forceful; Wen Ju’s recommendation of Mi Heng is spirited and elegant”; discussing Yang Xiong, he states that his “taste is profound,” discussing Liu Xiang, he states that his “interest is clear,” discussing Liu Zhen, he states that his “words are grand and emotions shocking,” discussing Ruan Ji, he states that his “sound is free and tuned high,” discussing Ji Kang, he states that his “spirit is high and flavor is intense,” discussing Pan Yue, he states that his “edge is sharp and rhythm flows,” and so on.
This elegance, richness, clarity, beauty, elegance, abundance, profound elegance, dynamic momentum, forcefulness, spiritedness, deep flavor, clear interest, grand words with shocking emotions, free sounds, and high tunes, all have meanings that he does not elaborate on.
In “Wenxin,” this kind of generalized commentary is the basic method of his theoretical exposition. These terms or phrases have become commonly used in later Chinese literary criticism. Some of them were first used by Liu Xie, such as “bone and throat.” This term was originally used to discuss people, such as “bone and throat ministers.” Liu Xie was the first to use it to discuss literature, which relates to his earlier mention of the category of “wind and bone” in the “Feng Gu” chapter. “Wind and bone” refers to the combination of the force of emotional flow and the strong power of meaning; thus, here, “bone and throat” refers to the immense persuasive power of Chen Lin’s proclamation.
“Rich” is originally used to describe the quality of jade and the moistness of water, and it also describes the warm and beautiful appearance of people. Lu Ji once used it to propose writing requirements for the “Ming” literary form: “Ming is broad and concise yet warm and rich.” Liu Xie uses it to describe the artistic style of Ji Kang’s poetry. “Rich” is a feeling of reading poetry; reading Kang’s poetry brings a sense of clarity like jade. Liu Xie, in another place discussing Kang’s poetry, refers to it as “Ji Zhi Qing Jun.” Qing Jun refers to the high and pure character expressed in the poetry. However, “rich” is the emotional resonance presented in the poetic realm. Ji Kang’s poetry has a realm of elegance and ease. This kind of realm is a humanized version of Zhuangzi’s thought【27】. Liu Xie expresses this poetic realm with the word “rich,” reflecting his acute and delicate poetic sensitivity.
Other terms such as “clear,” “dim,” “rhythm,” and “interest” also arise from such poetic sensibilities. We also see that his sensitivity often arises from comparisons, presented in the comparisons of different authors and works. This can further illustrate that his acute aesthetic ability was gained through extensive reading and comparative analysis, as he himself stated: “To have a round and clear image, one must first observe broadly” (“Wenxin Diaolong·Zhi Yin”). The above points aim to illustrate that in addition to a broad and profound knowledge accumulation, Liu Xie also cultivated his aesthetic ability. It is hard to imagine that without acute aesthetic abilities, one could comment on authors and works so meticulously.
From “Wenxin,” we also see Liu Xie’s deep understanding of the literary development trends of his time. He established the “Emotional Quality” chapter, as the trend of emphasizing emotion was shifting towards a more lyrical and entertaining direction at that time, making it necessary to discuss the relationship between emotion and quality. He established the “Beautiful Words” chapter, as the writing of parallel prose had matured significantly, proposing theoretical issues related to parallel prose.
He established the “Sound and Rhyme” chapter, as discussions on sound and rhyme were at their peak at that time. It can be said that the issues discussed in his creation theory and criticism are all related to the literary creation trends of his time in one way or another. Thus, we also know that his concern and deep understanding of the literary trends of his time were another preparation for his writing of “Wenxin.”
Liu Xie’s knowledge preparation for writing “Wenxin Diaolong” can inspire us today in the creation of literary theory, which requires a profound understanding of history, the history of thought, and literary history, as well as a keen aesthetic ability and a deep understanding of current literary creation trends.
In today’s world, it is also necessary to understand the trends of overseas literary theories and literary thoughts. Only by possessing these can one possibly establish a literary theoretical system that is both characteristic of China and holds universal significance. This is certainly challenging and relies on the continuous efforts of several generations of scholars.